A group of thirty mothers were huddled for safety in a childbirth facility in El Fasher, Sudan, at the onset of the horrific violence. Several had recently given birth, while others were actively in labor.
Present at the hospital after dark, a 28-year-old lab technician, a technician named Abdo-Rabo Ahmed, became one of the few known survivors. “I heard the screams of women and children,” he explains. “They were killing everyone inside the hospital. We who were able to escape, did so.”
This horrifying event stands as among the worst examples in the two-year civil war tearing the North African nation apart. Armed soldiers raided the hospital, reportedly killing more than 460 innocent people inside.
Rights organizations have called it “an unspeakable atrocity,” and a prime example of the deteriorating protection for civilians caught in conflict zones in Ukraine, Gaza, Myanmar, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Sudan.
Although world powers have agreed to the international laws of war, which obligate them to protect civilians, the past year has witnessed an unprecedented spike of attacks on healthcare systems. Women undergoing childbirth are particularly at risk due to their reliance on locally available medical care.
Data analysis and investigations uncover an unprecedented scale of attacks: nearly 300 incidents targeting or hindering maternity care facilities, staff, and pregnant women over the last three years, including at least 119 bombardments of hospitals and delivery wards.
“These incidents do not represent inevitable outcomes of conflict. They form a pattern of reproductive violence.”
The majority of these assaults have occurred in Ukraine, Gaza, and Sudan, where countless of pregnant women are trapped.
Deaths have occurred, prevented from accessing care, or compelled to deliver in dangerous and unsanitary conditions. The data also indicates that at least 68 maternal health workers have been killed, 15 kidnapped, and 101 detained—sometimes while assisting births.
These figures likely represent a substantial underreporting, as they capture solely incidents documented publicly. In many war-torn areas, reporting is limited.
Last year, it was reported that half of all women who lost their lives in maternal circumstances resided in a war zone. This underscores a devastating pattern.
In addition to the loss of life, these attacks are wrecking hospitals and wards, posing a long-term threat to demographic stability.
In Gaza, the devastating effect on the right to maternal care has been cited by a UN commission as part of the basis for accusations of genocidal acts.
Even after ceasefires, doctors report that women and children succumb from medical shortages, owing to severe deficits of medicine and equipment. Accounts describe women delivering babies amidst ruins because hospitals could not be reached.
“Direct shelling fired at the wards, operating rooms, and maternity wards,” explains the head of a major hospital’s gynecology department. A military spokesperson has contested deliberately targeting maternity care or trying to alter birthrates.
Since early 2022, at least 80 maternity and neonatal facilities have been damaged or destroyed in Ukraine. Reports from frontline hospitals describe births taking place in basements and skyrocketing stress leading to maternal health issues.
“The attacks on us are intentional,” asserts the head of obstetrics at a repeatedly damaged hospital in Kherson. Russian authorities have denied deliberately targeting civilians.
“The reality is, every facility can be under attack now,” notes a medical director in Sumy. “When defensive systems shoot down an aircraft, the falling debris can strike a hospital.”
For the hundreds of millions of women living close to deadly warfare, there are minimal protections and rare trials for atrocities for those targeting maternity care.
This void of justice has led to a “environment where anything goes,” argues a human rights lawyer. “Violence targeting childbirth, like forced pregnancy or forced sterilisation, are potentially acts of genocide by preventing births.”
In El Fasher, the area lacked access to humanitarian aid long before the hospital attack, with malnutrition increasing drastically, especially among children and pregnant women.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, information is limited by a communication blackout from rebel-held areas. Nevertheless, shelling in Goma hit a neonatal ward, causing fatalities among patients and staff.
In Myanmar, clinics have been attacked and dozens of midwives and patients have suffered violence over the past two years of civil war.
The majority of childbirth fatalities are averted with basic healthcare, but war destroys healthcare networks. Rights groups note that fear is now driving women away from facilities once considered safe, resulting in risky home births lacking professional help.
“When childbirth centers become intentional targets points toward a broader and more sinister pattern: the use of violence against hospitals as a tool for terror and to break societal cohesion,” notes a legal researcher.
“There is no absolute protection for hospitals in war. Under the Geneva conventions, medical facilities can lose their protected status if used for acts deemed ‘militarily advantageous’, which has often been cited as an excuse.”
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